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By> 

Clement F. Krueger 

DETROIT 



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Copyright 1918 

Clement F. Krueger 

Detroit 



JUN 29 !Si8 



©CI.A499518 



BOTH before and after our entry into the war the 
writer has been intensely interested and has 
given considerable time in an attempt to deter- 
mine the personal feelings of our foreign-born Germans 
and Americans of German descent. 

I have unearthed a variety of calloused and misguided 
thought amongst weak and militant pacifists as well 
as such Germans. I have found some Germans who 
say they are Americans but they won't fight by the 
side of an Englishman, and others who won't fight be- 
side a Frenchman; also some who wouldn't fight beside 
anyone, and some who would even fight an American 
if given an opportunity. 

It is these American Germans of questionable loyalty 
and pacifist doubters that inspired my "I Am An 
American, But — " and subsequent articles. 

The "buts" belong largely to the professional class 
or are under their tutelage. There are many, however, 
who have changed since we declared war. While they 
may not be considered as entirely anti-German in rela- 
tion to our European Allies, they are nevertheless pro- 
American in our own strict relations with Germany. 

I am of the opinion that Americans of German birth 
or descent are represented by three classes of thought 
— First, those of the benumbed and indoctrined type 
whose vision is warped beyond redemption — Second, 
those of the moderately sympathetic type who are 
living in the romance of the past — those who have 
partially forgotten why they left "over there" for "over 
here" — and have become bewildered by the rush events 
and the parting of friends. The third and most 
numerous type who are whole-heartedly for Uncle Sam 
"from the gong to the finish." 

The rifle squad is the best antidote for the first — a 
limited amount of patience and clear presentation of 
facts to the second may show considerable salvage 
while the culls should find a home in internment 
camps. Of the third, a highly acceptable class, we should, 
in common with all other respectable Americans, feel 
proud. 

The reader should not fail to consider that these 
articles were written with the first two classes primarily 
in mind and with a word of caution to "American 
slackers." The dates of writing in relation to the events 
at the time should also be taken into consideration. 



Table of Contents 



Page 
April, 1917 — I Am An American, But — - 6 



June, 1917— Kultur Sanctified 28 

August, 1917 — Kruppism De Luxe 38 

October, 1917 — Potsdam and Old Glory - 46 

December, 1917 — Statistics and Gott Mit Uns 56 

February, 1918— Tribalism and Schrecklichkeit 66 

April, 1918 — Kaiser ism Par Excellence - 74 



I Am An American, But — 

April, 1917 




I AM AN AMERICAN, BUT 

S an American citizen, with part German 
blood in my veins, I want to offer a sugges- 
tion as to attitude and conduct for those 
Americans, of whatever ancestry, who may 
today feel any restraint against fighting our com- 
mon foe. To those Americans who feel any com- 
pulsion against entering the fight whole-heartedly 
side by side with any and all of our Allies (irrespec- 
tive of their nationality or creed), as is necessary to 
secure our common end. In short, those who belong 
to that class of — "I am an American, but — " 

To be a true and thorough American, ancestral 
ties are not required — not even local birth is neces- 
sary to qualify, for the very blood make-up of our 
land makes ancestral allegiance complicated. To 
attempt division on those lines would breed quick 
destruction. We are tied together only by the spirit 
and inspiration of individual freedom and justice. 

Our present first and second generation blood 
composition is directly traceable to the living eight 
million Germans, four and one-half million Irish, 
two and one-half million Canadians, two and one- 
half million Russians, two and one-quarter million 
English, two million Italians, two million Aus- 
trians, one and one-half million Swedes, one million 
Norwegians, three-quarter million Hungarians, 
three-quarter million Scotch, one-half million 
Danes, one-quarter million Welsh and scores of 
thousands of minor and mixed bloods. 

We are therefore conglomerate^ incapable of 
successfully striving for other than a high common 
goal. Our action must be united — our energy must 
be untainted by racial bickerings. Remember, we 
are all Americans now — the classification is not by 
race but by loyalty and disloyalty to those para- 
mount principles that brought you or your fore- 
fathers here. That should be sufficient for us. 



OVER HERE 

A common goal is the ideal of our institutions, 
and the range of American institutions is the range 
of the world's humanitarian emotions, unglossed by 
the ghastly hypocrisy of "military necessity'* as now 
applied to Belgium and preached by the exponents 
of despotism. Americanism is the universal lan- 
guage for speaking the desires of the overwhelming 
majority of mankind. 

Our privilege to respect the Stars and Stripes is 
not founded on a religion of flag-lust as expressed 
by a closely-knit government such as Germany. Pa- 
triotism does not necessarily mean affection for the 
old racial and tribal instincts as reared, groomed 
and promulgated by imperialism, but rather do we 
mean the patriotism for decency, manliness and fair- 
ness unlimited by the arbitrary boundaries of col- 
ored maps. 

It has been stated that we have been goaded into 
this war by munition makers. Such statements are 
absurd, for neutrality with "long prices" to out- 
siders without tax would be infinitely more profit- 
able than war with governmentally regulated and 
taxed earnings on home production. 

It has been argued by dissenters that we have 
been blackmailed and tricked into war by Great 
Britain. One need only review our history. We 
have had two wars with England and she has had 
to overcome a more difficult prejudice for us than 
perhaps any other European nation. For England, 
the handicaps were certainly greater than for Ger- 
many. 

Many of the uninformed and misinformed have 
claimed this to be a Wilson war. Do you recall our 
thirty-two months of neutrality that forced us al- 



I AM AN AMERICAN, BUT 

most weekly to apologize to the world for our in- 
action in the face of Prussian conduct that assault- 
ed the decency and respect of our nation? How the 
President wrote note after note to the laughter of 
Berlin cartoonists! How we criticised him for un- 
wonted meekness! How many thought us yellow 
and a nation of "money-grabbers"! How many, 
many chances we gave the German government 
to play fair and abandon its unspeakable aggres- 
sions! How we loathed to begin war, even after 
the break! 

No nation possessing intelligence and physical 
strength ever displayed a greater reluctance or en- 
dured a greater assessment upon its patience than 
we in formally accepting the Hohenzollern out- 
rages as acts of war. If German commerce had been 
throttled by us and German citizens had been mur- 
dered as were our own, you could have heard the 
angry growls of the Kaiser around the world, even 
the most ardent Prussian must admit that. War 
would have been but a matter of hours and the open- 
ing seized by opportunists as an excuse for indem- 
nities and territory. Yet we demand neither. 

We have tolerated insults and injuries for 
more than two years. We stood fast until the war 
was dumped at our feet. We didn't even prepare 
in advance. We waited, giving Germany the bene- 
fit of the doubt while she was plotting with Mexico. 
We worked in a spirit of trust and faith until we 
were judged cowards. Now we are through with 
"nauseating apologies." We are out to smash the 
impudent, putrid Prussian dogma of "Verboten." 

Obviously, therefore, Prussianism can never 
square with Americanism. It is manifestly as silly 
to say that America is anti-German for selfish rea- 



OVER HERE 

sons as it would be incomplete to consider Shakes- 
peare merely as the husband of Anne Hathaway. 
Such an imputation, robbing our purpose of its 
high and worthy motives, is no more a just expres- 
sion of our attitude than it would be accurate to 
say that the influence of Goethe was confined to his 
home of Frankfort-on-the-Main. 

It is also absolutely unfair for Americans of Ger- 
man extraction to assume that we do not sense the 
wrongs, past and present, of our Allies— we do. We 
have not only had, through unusual channels, un- 
hampered access to records of diplomatic activities 
before the war, but we received perhaps a more 
complete and more accurate presentation of facts 
and falsehoods during our thirty-two months of 
neutrality than any other belligerent. 

We are not obsessed by the belief that we and 
our Allies are "Simon-pure" while our enemies have 
no rights at all. We do not believe that unscrup- 
ulousness has been practiced exclusively by only one 
side of the warring nations. Yet there is that deep- 
rooted belief that Germany develops her military 
establishment entirely out of proportion to the 
needs for her protection; that she preserves it to 
blast the path for her territorial ambitions. 

It is this universal belief that has alienated one 
country after another— the belief that settles firmly 
in the minds of nation after nation that Prussian 
policies are damaging in the extreme to the march 
of moral and political progress. 

Expression of partisanship and preferences is a 
perfectly natural thing. But can anyone disbelieve 
the sacred cause of Belgium and France in fighting 

10 



I AM AN AMERICAN, BUT 

back a ruthless and cruel invader from their soil? 
Can anyone question the right of these countries 
in demanding the return of their desolated prov- 
inces with proper indemnities and guarantees? Can 
anyone but a benumbed and conscienceless Prus- 
sian support the unrighteous imperial organization 
that has wrecked these countries? The moral is- 
sues are overwhelmingly on the side of the enemies 
of the Central Powers. 

The United States with all of her admitted de- 
fects, fights for an adjustment of wrongs on either 
side. We wish to meet all peoples on a common 
ground for the establishment of just inter-relation 
of nations with no exclusions; but the petty tres- 
passes of one side must not obscure or condone the 
guilt of the greater violator. 

When the U. S. A. goes into that long-away 
Peace Conference no nation will enter with a keener 
sense of fairness and a greater passion for a 
"square deal" than we. It is certainly safe to 
say that while we will fight Germany with all 
our might and power and follow every recog- 
nized rule to win — and win we must — that the 
sons of Germany who have been fighting for a false 
cause and giving their blood and money to a thank- 
less government will have no greater, no truer, no 
more real, no more unselfish friend at that confer- 
ence table than the land of which we are now a 
part. 

We are pro-Ally only in the sense that we resent 
militarism, its brutal by-products and its imperial- 
istic foundations, as a prime and efficient tool for 
wrong doing as now evidenced by a nationally lust- 
ful Germany — no more — no less. 

11 



OVER HERE 

To those who are inclined to offer as a justifica- 
tion of war not the Allies' faults but Germany's 
virtues, we answer with willing frankness that Ger- 
many has many virtues, among which are valor, 
progress and the distribution of certain social 
benefits. 

But, also, let us in turn refuse to admit that 
whatever her valor, whatever her scientific, her 
material progress, however great her distribution 
of social benefits which have made for Germany 
happiness in the past, these attributes do not carry 
with them a franchise to kill nor do they carry im- 
munity from final responsibility. 

While we do not want to deify our own past let 
us be content merely to point with pride to a nation- 
al unselfishness in human affairs which aside from 
months of painful neutrality in the present war has 
been proven by Cuban independence, unexampled 
patience in Mexico, disposition of Boxer indemnities 
and many other acts humane beyond question. 

While our national concept of relations has been 
generally tolerant and liberal, we have at times 
been provincial and generous to a point of stupid- 
ity. In any case we have offered the world an un- 
paralleled example in individual development, an 
opportunity which German autocracy consistently 
denied its own people. Dr. B. Dernburg says that 
is Germany's cardinal sin. To quote: "We ought 
to recognize that we are seriously to blame for not 
having educated our people politically." Autoc- 
racy has, however, successfully soaked, saturated, 
honeycombed, corroded, poisoned and embalmed 
the minds of docile masses — to make quick-war, and 
find ready excuses for its inauguration. 

Even after minutely schooling her imperial par- 
rots, Germany's foreign policy has been mishandled, 
mismanaged, missed, mixed, muddled, marred and 

12 



I AM AN AMERICAN, BUT 

massacred. The gropings and shortcomings of these 
"Dynastic Bullies" in the field of diplomacy suggest 
Milton, the blind poet, trying to operate a periscope. 

But militarily, the "gory" Kaiser has had greater 
success — he is in the unique position of being able 
to shoot in any direction without the slightest fear 
of hitting a friend. Even with this advantage he 
must feel some disappointment at least that France 
didn't crack, that England and her dominions came 
to the front, that Russia did her best ; all in the face 
of the mightiest military demonstration the world 
has ever seen. 

How this "Hunnish" machine started out to Bel- 
giumize the world! How they were heralded and 
hurrahed! Hallowed and hallelujahed by their 
prophets ! But how these disillusioned remnants of 
the "Kultur Cabaret" returned from the Marne, from 
Calais, from Verdun, with their world dream shat- 
tered, defeated, denationalized, decomposed, decom- 
pounded, defaced, deformed, defunct, degraded, de- 
moralized, demerited, depreciated, deplumed, dilap- 
idated, disabled, disarranged, disavowed, disbelieved, 
disclaimed, disdained, disgraced, disfigured, dis- 
heveled, disintegrated, and disemboweled. In other 
words, it was a failure to carry out the schedule. 
The carefully worked plan for the overthrow of 
France cracked in the middle. 

This was the beginning of the end for the Hohen- 
zollern scheme planned by "civilization's traitor" 
and that chinless, spineless, super-Charlie Chaplin, 
the Crown Prince. Now that it has failed they 
shout that they made war in self-defense to soothe 
an unappeased people and primarily to protect their 
"divine right." 

That nations' mutual distrusts and suspicions 
should melt away, that conflicting national inter- 
ests of many sovereign states were laid voluntarily 

13 



OVER HERE 

aside for co-operation against a world recognized 
enemy, means nothing to the imbecilic "head hunt- 
ers of Prussia." 

That their answer is only greater, more frightful 
and more gigantic military preparation as nation 
after nation aligns itself against them is not the 
resistance of moral conviction, but a further self- 
satisfied indorsement of Hohenzollernism. . Here's 
the single cause that the desire and wish of a 
few nations early in the war to check this kingly 
disease now becomes the passion and religion of 
the world. 

That Germany by her idiotic course has already 
lost the confidence of the civilized world is attested 
by diplomatic severance or the active military in- 
tentions of twenty nations now arrayed against her 
with nearly the entire balance of the world passively 
hostile. Even China breaks a precedent of five 
thousand years. 

She can no more by her unspeakable methods get 
back into the good graces of the world than B. Holl- 
weg can justify Belgium's rape when he says: "We 
are now in a state of necessity, our troops have oc- 
cupied Luxemburg and perhaps we are already on 
Belgian soil. Gentlemen, that is contrary to the 
dictates of international law." 

This not onfy understates a case that is a clear 
transgression of international law by the entry of 
neutral territory, but also violates the definite neu- 
trality guarantee previously given by these "Mad 
Men of Berlin." To every American and other free- 
man such an alleged justification is unthinkable. 
To let it go unchallenged would place Germany 
above the dictates of law. 

Never in the annals of modern history has the 
world witnessed such excesses and unrestraint on 
the sea as now exhibited by this "Jesse James of 

14 



I AM AN AMERICAN, BUT 

Europe." It has made the world stand aghast and 
bewildered. The "germ purveyors" have sunk en- 
emy merchant ships loaded with munitions and 
those with ballast only. They have sunk United 
States unarmed neutral ships with non-contraband 
cargoes. They have sunk vessels irrespective of 
cargo, nationality or character. They sank our 
ships in the face of solemn covenants to the con- 
trary covered specifically by our treaty with Prus- 
sia as follows: 

"If one of the contracting parties should be en- 
gaged in war with any other power, the free inter- 
course and commerce of the subjects as citizens of 
the party remaining neutral with the belligerent 
power shall not be interrupted. On the contrary, 
in that case, as in full peace, the vessels of the neu- 
tral party may navigate freely to and from the ports 
and on the coasts of the belligerent parties, free 
vessels making free goods, insomuch that all things 
shall be adjudged free which shall be on board any 
vessel belonging to the neutral party, although such 
things belong to the enemy of the other; and the 
same freedom shall be extended to persons who shall 
be on board a free vessel, although they should be 
enemies to the other party unless they be soldiers 
in actual service of the enemy." 

They sank hospital ships. They sank the passen- 
gen liner "Lusitania" in cold blood as only one 
tutored in the "Red School" of Prussia could do. 
They pitilessly slaughtered innocent men, women 
and children who had not a chance for defense or 
escape, with the same rhythm and precision as ex- 
emplified by the "killing crews" of the Chicago 
Stock Yards. For this manly work, for this cour- 
ageous, heroic deed, Wilhelm, feeling a high 
sense of obligation, decorated the "Captain Kidd of 
1915" with the Iron Cross. 

15 



OVER HERE 

They sank the "Lusitania" not only in contraven- 
tion of international law as acknowledged by the 
entire world (except pirates) for more than two 
hundred years, but committed the crime in premed- 
itated violation of every law of God and man; a 
crime that could only be planned by beings with- 
out a conscience. 

A prominent preacher in Berlin then advocated 
a national Lusitania day. His plea was as fol- 
lows : "Whoever cannot prevail upon himself to ap- 
prove from the bottom of his heart the sinking of 
the Lusitania, and give himself up to honest delight 
at this victorious exploit of German defensive 
power — him we judge to be no true German." Here 
is the mightiest of all tributes to moral degeneracy 
and unbridled tyranny. 

To completely catalog the crimes and blunders 
of these "Apostles of Sword Wielding" would make 
the encyclopedia look like a word of one syllable. 
But why enumerate? Suffice to say that for the 
same reason the Berlin preacher claims that he who 
fails to indorse the killing of non-combatants is no 
German, so we claim that he here who fails to do 
his share in ridding civilization of its cancer is no 
American. 

The Teuton war-lords through duped organiza- 
tion have filled the Fatherland to overflowing with 
their viperous slanderings and their unholy teach- 
ings of "Strafing." Their colossal egoism has 
carried them to an altitude where they are drunk 
with the belief that they are super-men, respon- 
sible only to and sharing their fortunes "fifty- 
fifty" with the Almighty. Can you honestly believe 
that the godless theories propounded by these Ger- 
man plutocrats can ever be reconciled with the act- 
ual wishes of other great modern peoples of the 
world ? 

16 



I AM AN AMERICAN, BUT 

"Kultur self-revealed" (compiled by Wm. Archer) 
helps to expose the blood spots and shame on the 
propaganda records of these "Hounds of Hades." 
To quote authoritative abstracts: 

"The efficient people must procure themselves 
elbow room by means of war, and the inefficient 
must be hemmed in and at last driven into 're- 
serves' where they have no room to grow .... 
and where, discouraged and rendered indifferent to 
the future by the spectacle of the superior energy of 
their conquerors, they may crawl slowly toward the 
peaceful death of weary and hopeless senility. 

"He who does not believe in the divine mission 
of Germany had better hang himself, and rather to- 
day than tomorrow." 

The Emperor's anti-human confederacy stands 
solidly back of this hate-breeding cult. Prussia's 
heresy that she is above morality, that military 
necessity is a justification for any act, is a stupen- 
dous insult to the world. We stand challenged on 
our own ground. We must answer with all free- 
men that we do not care to become converts to such 
a salvation of triumphant ego and sin. 

We must fight back and fight to win. Remember, 
"Americans — but," that our fight, our bloodshed and 
our heartaches are made in the same spirit of sacri- 
fice for you, the same as for all other Americans. 
We protect you now from the matured bestiality 
which you escaped when you came here. You have 
taken your oath and you are a part of us. 

You can't believe that a German victory based 
on and forever backed by sheer weight of gun metal 
can increase your happiness here. If the masters 
of the "mailed fist" ruled your home in reality or 
in thought when this war is over, they would not 
single out any "Americans — but" for the pleasant 

17 



OVER HERE 

reward. You would be classified merely as pawns 
and tools for their further insidious and sinister 
intrigue. You, with others, would pay the penalty. 
The same contempt would greet you as embraced 
Benedict Arnold when he landed in London. The 
fate of a traitor would await you from both con- 
queror and vanquished. 

This is no hysteria. Don't wait until we are 
overwhelmed. Don't believe the stupid doctrine 
that "win or lose" for our Allies in Europe will have 
no effect on us. Recall the shocks that the pacifists 
got in August, 1914. Even to the "helmet-crowned" 
masses of Germany, murder on its present scale 
was unbelievable. If the Allies lose, we lose. If 
William II wins, then the long buried code of "Na- 
tional Serfdom" will be resurrected and re-estab- 
lished. The end is yet far away, but there must 
only be one end for us. 

Kultur carried by the sword cannot permanently 
and peacefully colonize, as Kulturized Germany 
amply proves, but it can play havoc for many years 
to come. It is an absolute failure as compared to 
England's colonial progress and mistakes (and she 
has made many mistakes). 

The German belief that war upon England would 
see her colonies in rebellion against her is only on 
a par with her conviction that four hundred thou- 
sand German-Americans in the United States would 
revolt upon her declaration of war. To quote the 
monomaniac (by grace of God, King of Prussia, and 
by special grace of God, Emperor of Germany, but 
by grace of the Allies, not Czar of the Universe), in 
a private Potsdam speech of June, 1908 : 

"Even now I rule supreme in the United States, 
where almost one-half of the population is either of 
German birth or German descent, and where three 
million voters do my bidding at Presidential elec- 

18 



I AM AN AMERICAN, BUT 

tions. No American administration could remain 
long in power against the will of the German voters, 
who, through that admirable organization, the Ger- 
man-American League of the United States, con- 
trol the destinies of the vast republic beyond the 
sea." This is only additional evidence of "Welt- 
politik" as enunciated by the sword and dispensed 
by the human "buzzard" of Wilhelmstrasse. 

The sword as a modern colonizer for any nation 
is obsolete. We fought the War of Independence be- 
cause we could not tolerate the arrogance and tyr- 
anny of that simpleton, George III. We fought 
along with Molly Pitcher of German blood — her 
real name being Marie Ludwig. 

We fought the war of 1812 because we resented 
the seizure of our ships and the impressment of our 
seamen into foreign service. But nothing in the 
whole category of wrongs that provoked us to war 
then could be compared with the deliberate mur- 
der inaugurated by German submarines. Napo- 
leon's "Continental System" and Britain's "Orders 
in Council" were exasperating, but never did they 
involve the slaughter of neutral innocents. 

We fought the Civil War to prevent the rise of a 
new State predicated on human bondage. We then 
included more than 150,000 soldiers of German 
blood in the army of liberation. But the present 
day Germans, reversing the principle, have now be- 
gun their attempt to build up a vast empire of 
"Mittle Europa" by reducing to political subjuga- 
tion every region that their armies can annihilate. 
They have literally enslaved scores of thousands 
of Belgians, Polish and French. 

We fought the Spanish War because Spain's mis- 
rule in Cuba became unbearable. But nothing in 
the history of that once unhappy island can ap- 
proach in atrocity the Teuton occupation of Bel- 

19 



OVER HERE 

gium and France, nor has their allied Turkish at- 
tempt to exterminate the whole Armenian race 
had a parallel since the Tartars devastated Eastern 
Europe. 

If we were right in 76, in '63 and '98 ; if we really 
did fight righteous and just wars then; if we could 
secure the full-hearted support of Americans of 
German blood then, we cannot be wrong now. We 
fight for the same principles and are entitled to 
whole-hearted support from such Americans now. 

If Americans of English blood did not hesitate to 
fight England in 76 for a just principle; if American 
brothers did not hesitate to fight American brothers 
in '63 for a just principle; then why should Ameri- 
cans of German blood hesitate to fight Germany for 
a great, and just, and world-recognized principle in 
1917? 

Germany is no longer the land of poets and musi- 
cians, of Goethes and Schillers, as we were prone to 
believe, but a nation of "cannon makers." Re-read 
her political history, her important State documents. 
Do they ever avail themselves of the words "free- 
dom" or "liberty"? No. But instead, you will see 
imperial records of such misguided statements by 
this self-proclaimed "God" to his own people who 
once warned the proposed reformers in true Prus- 
sian style: 

"You have, my children, sworn allegiance to me. 
That means that you have given yourselves to me 
body and soul. You have only one enemy and that 
is my enemy. With the present socialistic agita- 
tion, I may order you, which God forbid, to shoot 
down your brothers and even your parents, and 
then you must obey without a murmur." 

Isn't it perfectly apparent in our twentieth cen- 
tury that such royal effrontery is only possible 

20 



I AM AN AMERICAN, BUT 

where a people have been hypnotized, handcuffed, 
hobbled, handicapped, hampered, harassed, humili- 
ated, horsewhipped, hari-kari'd, and bullyragged in- 
to a state of "political somnambulism" impossible 
in any modern nation designed without social 
astriction? If you can, imagine the fate of Presi- 
dent Wilson using the same words. 

Contrast these imperial frothings to the read- 
ing of our countless statesmanlike comments on the 
Declaration of Independence which sparkles with 
the words "freedom" and "liberty" unknown to any 
Hohenzollern. 

Contrast Hindenburg's standing order "Give 'em 
hell with the biggest guns," to Lincoln's immortal 
words "with malice toward none; with charity for 
all," etc. Compare Falkenhayn's policy toward suf- 
fering powers : "To hell with the neutrals, let's win 
the war," with Lincoln's tolerant message to the 
people of even an unfriendly power: 

"I know and deeply deplore the sufferings which 
the workingmen at Manchester and in all Europe 
are called upon to endure in this crisis. I cannot 
but regard your decisive utterances upon the ques- 
tion as an instance of sublime Christian heroism 
which has not been surpassed in any age or in any 
country. It is indeed an energetic and inspiring 
assurance of the inherent power of truth and of the 
ultimate and universal triumph of Justice, Human- 
ity and Freedom." 

Imagine the blood-soaked Kaiser using at any 
time or at any place the statement of President 
Wilson — "We fight without rancor and without sel- 
fish objects, seeking nothing for ourselves but what 
we shall wish to share with all free peoples." 

Do you ever hear the military or political lead- 
ers of Germany admitting to their people any short- 

21 



OVER HERE 

comings in their "forty years" preparatory plans 
such as Lloyd George has frequently and publicly 
announced in respect to his own and those of his 
predecessors? 

No, because they admit no responsibility to their 
people. But we hear from this mobilized force of 
"steel and cartilage" that France is decadent when 
as a matter of unprejudiced fact France has proven 
herself to be preponderantly soul in make-up. She 
has shouldered the brunt of the fight without flinch- 
ing in holding back the almost inundating waves of 
Prussianism. 

No matter how great and how numerous Ger- 
many's military victories have been, the deathless 
dead of France will always speak louder to the 
world than the vocal Vesuvius of Kultur. 

Modern Prussianism has no more of a chance 
to permanently thrive beyond the geographical 
boundaries of Germany than the possibility of re- 
placing the "Sermon on the Mount" with by-laws of 
a patent medicine corporation, however modern they 
may be. 

The "rubber-collar," "round-hair-cut," "hob-nail" 
diplomacy of the Zimmerman ilk and their Fife and 
Drum corps politicians can no more win the re- 
spect of nations than can the "iron fist" policy of 
the "Potsdam Nero" and his six hell-cat sons. 

The "blood-drinking cast" of Tirpitz, Ludendorf, 
Falkenhayn and the rest of that political menagerie 
which bows to them can no more secure a lasting 
peace against a crystallized world opinion guided 
by the thoughts of freemen than could the South 
under slavery. 

The "Kultured Killer of Cavelle" has tried all of 
his experiments on civilization. He has sniped, 
gassed, Zepp'd, bombed and sub'd, but civilization 

22 



I AM AN AMERICAN, BUT 

refuses to yield. It asks in return that Kaiserism, 
Kruppism, Militarism, Prussianism, Ruthlessness, 
Hohenzollernism, Despotism, Imperialism, Feudal- 
ism and Absolutism must inevitably go. 

It is true that the Sewers of Journalism have 
sometimes been clogged with grossly exaggerated 
and useless allied rot, about naval victories which 
were in reality nothing more than "hail-sail-sunk- 
junk." 

It is equally true that there have been altogether 
too many land suicides dictated by makeshift 
policy such as the Dardanelles, but on the other 
hand, we have also been drenched by geysers 
of "nebulous bunk," about German "guaranteed- 
money-back" efficiency and invincibility. 

We believe her efficiency and her frugality are 
truly wonderful — we unhesitatingly commend her 
for it. She has shown us many things which we are 
more than eager to learn, and copy. 

America makes no claim of holiness in this 
war because of her own initiative in inventing the 
steamboat, the submarine, the ironclad, the tele- 
phone, the electric light, and countless other things 
useful to civilization. The Chinaman doesn't get 
an option to legalize the misuse of gunpowder be- 
cause he invented it. 

We make no comparison with Germany's invent- 
ive genius because that's on a par with the vain 
boyhood boast of, "I bet my father can lick your 
father." So don't let the avalanche of writings about 
superiority of German inventions, of German re- 
sourcefulness, German dyes, etc., becloud the real 
issue for which we went to war, namely, the tangi- 
ble, visible ritual of liberalism. 

Without comparing the intellect of nations, isn't 
it manifest that plutocracy does not recognize the 

23 



OVER HERE 

right of majority, which must be embedded in the 
fundamentals of liberty? Civilization and freedom, 
as we know, rest upon the "consent of the govern- 
ed." To abandon this truth now would be to nul- 
lify the accomplishment of hundreds of years of 
struggle and force us back to the standards of feu- 
dal days. 

Isn't it patent to you that Germany's fallibility 
in essential points of political and social construc- 
tion is forcing the world to pay an unwarranted 
tax in blood? The world can get along without 
Germany, but Germany cannot get along without 
the world. The blood toll which she has collected 
from others will in turn later compel her to pay 
a tremendous premium in breaking down the world's 
accumulated unfriendliness for her inherited polit- 
ical intolerance and habitual arrogance. 

As further evidence of bureaucracy's injustice to 
its own people, one need only single out the Lusi- 
tania — the most rabid of Kaiser lovers must ack- 
nowledge it. Here is a mere incident in the war 
program with no possible military advantage; yet 
to the world an event of great moment; the cause 
of a greater enlistment of nations to Germany's al- 
ready plentiful roll of enemies. 

For peaceful humanity, the Lusitania will ever 
remain the red landmark in the history of butcher- 
ies. To Kruppism belongs the glory of the most 
fiendish act ever committed by a so-called modern 
nation. 

Such victories piled upon victories by such a gov- 
ernment; such defeats piled upon defeats of its en- 
emies will never make for a tranquil Germany in 
the face of a shuddering but hostile world. The 
sword of that government has placed an embargo 
upon the greatest greatness of that great people. 

24 



I AM AN AMERICAN, BUT 

A canvass of the world's opinion shows a univer- 
sal agreement that "ruthless, truthless, useless 
Kaiserism" with all of its power, with all of its 
might, shall not override the balance of the world, 
however imperfect it may be. Germany has been 
disfranchised and to prevent her demise she must 
permanently give up the damnable, wicked system 
that has placed her so prominently in the pillories 
of international disgrace. 

A man who has seen the feelings of the entire 
planet pass through the convulsions of bewilder- 
ment, sufferance, dislike, hatred and bitterness, but 
still holds aloof, and cannot in his soul fight this 
ravaging institution of cannibalistic ulcers, does 
not subscribe to the ideals of Americanism. 

A man who by any mental contortions can sanc- 
tion the savage creed that has piled the bleached 
bones and the rotted flesh of eight millions of hu- 
mans upon the "Crimson Shrine of Kultur" sinks 
to the godless faiths of by-gone centuries. 

The nation in which you happily live; the land 
to which you or your ancestors were proud to come ; 
is entitled to your undiluted loyalty and support, 
whatever your blood or your race. You cannot 
escape your most sacred obligation. Your duty is 
plain, and single, not dual. You should not remain 
deaf to the world's rallying call of republicanism. 
In the language of our President : "The world must 
be made safe for Democracy," and incidentally safe 
for these United States. To indorse it, your an- 
swer must be "yes" with full liability and with no 
mental reservations. Your actions must be posi- 
tive, not negative. There is no room for "but" or 
qualification. 

He who accepts the hospitality of our Flag and 
still belongs to that class of "I am American — but" 
is in a state of ethical bankruptcy and should be 

25 



OVER HERE 

across the sea wearing the iron halo of the Kaiser's 
vultures, instead of betraying the land that gave 
him a home. 

This, above all, is the time to show your colors. 
We almost forgive the "moon-chasing" idealists on 
the grounds of "conscience," but the men that were 
willing in 1916 to fight Britain for "mail searching" 
then "flopped" pacifist in 1917 and are now willing 
to leave us practically defenseless against a "life- 
taker" implant their own seeds of suspicion. You've 
got to play to win and it will be better for you and 
the rest of the human race to win than to lose. The 
trend of modern times speaks forcibly for itself. 

This is no time to preach hate, for a nation that 
must be prodded to fight by constant injections of 
hate is lost. When the U. S. A. substitutes hate 
for the love of justice, then it ceases to be "The 
Country" and becomes merely "a country," sinking 
to the level of Prussia. Yet we must know equally 
well that this is the wrong time to ostentatiously 
praise an enemy whose wrongs have been so over- 
whelming. We shall continue to fight under the 
inspiration of right and we have ample precedence 
that right will ultimately win. 

As surely as the Magna Charta, in the thirteenth 
century, dimly registered restraint against kingly 
brigandage; as surely as the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, in the eighteenth century, definitely re- 
corded the rights of people to govern themselves ; as 
surely as the French Revolution put the damper on 
rampant Bourbonism ; just so surely is the Kaiser 
wrong today and in this twentieth century will the 
world Allies hang crepe on the "Triple K Doctrine" 
of Kaiser, Krupp and Kultur. 



2t, 



Kultur Sanctified 

June, 1917 



KULTUR SANCTIFIED 



CERTAIN Prussian bureaucrat of note has 
this to say of German Kultur: "We are in- 
deed intrusted here on earth with a doubly 
sacred mission, not only to protect Kultur 
but also to impart Kultur in its most august purity, 
nobility and glory to the whole of Humanity." 

Now this may be the sincere view of Germans 
but other peoples refuse to resurrect the left-over 
ideas of the Eighteenth Century. They see Kul- 
tur revealed to the world as a religionism based 
upon the uplift of war, the degeneracy of peace and 
super-eminence of military idolatry envenomed 
with all the elements of a blazing hell. 

Kultur is an artificial state of mind; it is unnat- 
ural in development; it is hothouse grown; it is 
oxygen nourished; it is highly mechanized; it is 
physically strong but spiritually weak. 

Its godhead is Kaiserism; its high priests 
are Hohenzollernism, Militarism, Kruppism, Jun- 
kerism, Prussianism, Ruthlessism, Imperialism, 
Despotism, Feudalism and Absolutism. 

It has built many channels through which to dis- 
tribute its poisonous spawn, among which are Au- 
tocracy, Bureaucracy and Plutocracy. Autocracy 
issues its personal orders according to caprice — 
Plutocracy wields the sword and Bureaucracy pre- 
scribes the formula of intoxication for the "rabble." 
Then the triumvirate unfurls the banner of "For- 
ward for God" and in unison shout for victory. 

The objects of Kultur are definite and literal; 
Kultur aims at the domination of its people within 
and of nations without. Its ambitions have no lim- 
it. To satisfy its desire it hoodwinks its followers 

29 



OVER HERE 

within while to its neighbors without it flaunts 
frightfulness and argues with cannon. 

Kultur covers its devilish political intent by jock- 
eying the ballot of its people and preventing honest 
political development within while with "saber rat- 
tling" diplomacy it attempts to bullyrag those with- 
out. 

In these Twentieth Century days of individual 
freedom Kultur boastfully shouts of its authority 
and superiority — derides the imaginary incompe- 
tence of all others — permeates its own land with 
palatable falsehoods and challenges the fidelity of 
entire nations to freedom. 

Kultur's declarations are so clear that it immedi- 
ately divides the whole human race into a majority 
and a minority, making it obvious that there must 
come a decision without a compromise; it must 
either expand and conquer or shrivel and die. 

Kultur gave a wonderful exhibition of its results 
from laborious calculations — of enemy guns — of 
strength of forts and of unequal facilities for mobil- 
ization. It planned a brief campaign which was to 
be so heinous — so smashing — so compelling that 
nothing was to be left before the tyrannical sweeps 
of the soulless Hun save only the glory of the two- 
headed eagle. Such methods had become an ap- 
proved commercialized art, tediously studied and 
learned since the days of the Great Fritz. Predicat- 
ed as it was on finesse, Germany was confident that 
Kultur would win. 

But Kultur first miscalculated when it pushed 
aside the greatest of all factors — the human side. 
It erred in detail when its ostrich-like chancellor 
declared the Belgian treaty "a scrap of paper." It 

30 



KULTUR SANCTIFIED 

deceived its own people when it allowed its official 
paper to say : 

"Germany will see to it that never again will 
Belgium serve as a base of attack for English 
troops." But no one else was deceived, because no 
one except those of low mental displacement ever 
believed that England contemplated attacking Ger- 
many through Belgium; if so, with what? for did 
not the distinguished von Bernhardi voice the gen- 
eral staff's opinion when he said (see "Germany and 
the Next War") : "The militia of the English col- 
onies with self-government do not come into ac- 
count for a European theatre of war. In Europe, 
we have only to reckon with the regular army of 
130,000 men which is stationed in England itself." 

He who can thrive on such undiluted rot can no 
doubt believe that Kultur's noble ally, the Unspeak- 
able Turk, is murdering hundreds of thousands of 
Armenians to make secure the principle of "freedom 
of the seas." 

Kultur's plans were crippled when Italy broke 
old associations with Bismarck's pet alliance. It 
failed to perceive its effect upon other Latins as it 
failed to see Canada and Australasia as a source 
of supply for allied man power. It was unbeliev- 
able that neutrals might join the Allies, for were 
not the "weak spined" neutrals accurately cata- 
logued and reported on by Kultur's sleuths? Hadn't 
organizations been cultivated in every near and far 
nation of the globe which, according to German in- 
telligence, could hold the foreigner to a false neu- 
trality? 

Kultur blundered when it reckoned that revolu- 
tions in Ireland and India would wreck the British 
Empire. It could not believe that England and 
her dominions would raise vast armies, for they 
were democracies. It laughed when England first 

31 



OVER HERE 

sent its "handful of men" to France, and called it a 
"contemptible little army" and the drafted citizens 
a "uniformed mob." Yet this untrained, despicable, 
miserable, uniformed gang at Calais, Ypres and 
Neuve Chapelle held back the trained, the proud, 
the undefeated Supermen of Kultur. 

Now Kultur sings the same old refrain to its 
seventy millions of war worshipping peons about 
America. It belittles the registration, the Liberty 
Loans, the offensive power of the army, the ability 
and intelligence of the nation. 

But America surely will do her duty. She took 
her step after months of deliberation and analysis 
and will yet be the powerful factor which will up- 
set the Hohenzollern "apple cart." And above all, 
America gives the final moral stamp of approval to 
the Allies' cause of freedom. 

Kultur must fail for all time in this war. Its 
military branch was successful in Eighteen Hun- 
dred and Seventy, but with proper antidote it will 
never repeat. It crushed France then in six months 
— physically, but not spiritually. Now the land of 
Kultur, infinitely superior in industrial power — a 
nation immensely increased in population — an army 
numerically greater and faultlessly equipped has 
failed at Verdun as it did at the Marne in Nineteen 
Fourteen. 

Kultur fails to keep fresh enemies out of the 
field. It has overrun Belgium, France, Serbia, 
Montenegro, Roumania and Russia. Yet it has 
been unable to make a lasting peace with a single foe 
except only the "bullet riddled" corpses who fill the 
scarlet trenches that mark the boundary line of Hun- 
nish sway of Kultur. Some States dead in body, 
through sheer exhaustion or treachery may be forced 
to peace, but the rankle of a Prussian peace cannot 

32 



KULTUR SANCTIFIED 

be stilled by Prussian force. The dead man is the 
only man who definitely accepts a Kulturized peace. 

Kultur has been indicted by the Anglo-Saxons 
of England, Canada and Australasia; by the Lat- 
ins of France, Italy and Roumania; by the Celts of 
Ireland, Scotland and Wales; by the Slavs of Rus- 
sia, Serbia and Montenegro ; by the Malays of Japan, 
Korea and Samoa; by the Mongolians of China, 
Thibet and Siberia; by the Chino-Indians of India, 
Siam and Burma. 

Kultur has been condemned by both the Gentiles 
and Jews of Europe and America — by Mohammed- 
ans and Sun worshippers of Africa — by Buddhists 
and Brahmans of Asia, by Confuscianists and Shin- 
toists of Malaysia — and more it has been repudiated 
by the millions of people of German blood who now 
happily live in America and pay allegiance to the 
Stars and Stripes ! 

A chronology of events disprove Kultur's alleged 
altruistic aims. It can't be that these sword-wield- 
ing troubadours are right and that France, Britain, 
Serbia, Montenegro, Russia, Belgium, Japan, Arabia, 
Italy, Portugal, San Marino, Monaco, Roumania, 
Greece, Bolivia, Panama, Cuba, Brazil, China, Siam, 
Liberia, Haiti, Honduras, Nicaragua, Guatemala, 
and the United States are everlastingly wrong. Are 
also the states of Chile, Uruguay and Argentina, 
who have declared for benevolent neutrality, wrong? 
No. Germany stands before the universe an exile 
from the family of nations. 

Kultur came upon the world like an avalanche 
with all the advantages of secret and painstaking 
preparation. It is on trial before the world and it 
will lose. It will lose because the military brag- 
garts place all of their trust in the immense strik- 
ing power of their machine-like organization — be- 
cause it is unimaginative — because it disregards 

33 



OVER HERE 

human factors — because it makes might primary and 
subordinates the sense of right. 

Kultur was built upon the supreme confidence of 
the few, backed by steel and brutality, while the 
Allies built upon human faith, tempered with dis- 
organization, disasters and mistakes. But Democ- 
racy won! It won military victories at the Marne 
and at Verdun, but its greatest victory was that 
moral triumph America! More mistakes will hap- 
pen and more defeats will come but final victory 
for Democracy is inevitable. 

The military cannibals miscalculated. They pro- 
ceeded on the assumption that a highly mechanized 
state assembled on usurped authority that denies 
allegiance to its people could bully Belgium out of 
existence, eat Christmas dinners in foreign capitols, 
scoff at honest, well-meaning neutrals, pulverize the 
resistance of democracy, officially intimidate their 
own unimpressionable masses, inoculate peaceful 
souls with hate, lash and brutalize everybody and 
still fake "free thinkers" into believing they are try- 
ing to humanize the Christendom. 

But the ineradicable record of Hohenzollern bur- 
glaries is too clear an index to the workings of a 
rampant Kultur. It stands convicted before the en- 
tire planet. It is so filled with an over-weening sense 
of security that its vision can never soar above the 
shell-swept trenches until it is too late to redeem 
its people. Kultur is marked and it has got to pay. 
Never before in the historic annals of mortal man 
has such a phalanx of sovereign states filed such a 
ghastly bill of particulars against an international 
outlaw. 

If Democracy represents truth, decency and jus- 
tice — then it will forever be in conflict with Kultur. 
Give Democracy time to feel its irresistible sense of 
duty and it will do more than stop its enemy — it 

34 



KULTUR SANCTIFIED 

will crush it. The fight for the right of existence 
will be long — terribly long — but by the law of com- 
pensation, morality and fairness will win while sel- 
fishness and savagery will lose. 

Kultur will yet do many things under the black 
flag of terrorism that will shock our finer chivalry. 
Remember its scope is a range of inhuman acts 
from oppressions to murders, from slavery by Bel- 
gian deportations to the red zenith of human slaugh- 
ter — the Lusitania — but Democracy and America 
will surely and ultimately smash the gospel of mili- 
tary paganism as preached by these helmet bedecked 
potentates of Potsdam. The German masses them- 
selves must some distant day see the light of that 
powerful Twentieth Century electromotive force — 
Democracy. 

WHEN 

the old wrecks and the crippled young of Germany 
see no end to the long meatless days to come — when 
the hordes of wornout fathers come back home 
from foreign lands and later must give up the loot — 
when the weary mothers realize that their boys have 
polluted the soil of once friendly lands — when the 
sonless and broken-hearted families reassemble, not 
in a moment of fury generated by strife, but to re- 
view calmly the war's terrible toll — when they find 
out that their lauded ally on the south is a political 
corpse — when they find that bullying espionage 
cannot promote friendship — when they find that the 
once reverenced general staff has sunk to the last 
imaginable stage of deceit — when they find that ab- 
dication of personal liberty to despotic cliques can- 
not absolve them from final accounting — when they 
find that irresponsible individualism is not the meas- 
ure of national loyalty — when they find that their 
unrepresentative Reichstag is only a scoreboard for 
royal pillage — when they find that the ancient be- 

35 



OVER HERE 

havior of Attila is not a modern pattern for con- 
duct — when they find their government has mort- 
gaged the future glory of the nation — when they 
find that the Hohenzollern dynasty is not divinely 
anointed — when they find that the war's sponsors 
are arch-infidels — when they find that their ruler 
has been a traitor to international obligations — 
when they find that their Fatherland is no longer 
respected for industry and thrift — when they find 
that their greatest sacrifice has been made to feed 
the kingly greed of national vandalism, and when 
they find that an embittered world has made Ger- 
many the by-word of disrepute for generations to 
come — 

THEN 

will Kultur receive its death blow, its cremation and 
its burial — and the United States of America must 
fight through to the end of the ceremony, 

FOR 

we believe in Democracy! We love America! We 
have a passion for Peace! And for the guaranty of 
Democracy, America and Peace, we must have Vic- 
tory! 



56 



Kruppism De Luxe 

August, 1917 




KRUPPISM DE LUXE 

RUPPISM is the modern expression of its 
brutal antecedence of might. It has been 
resorted to by races since the beginning of 
time — since the cave-man first wielded the 
club to cow his neighbor. But as imperious might 
has been consistently opposed by the increasing 
"might of reason" each epoch happily brings us 
nearer the goal of justice. 

Of the great states today, Prussia is still the most 
ardent devotee of Kruppism, It clings to its last 
remnant with the fervor of a maniac. It has in- 
doctrined its people with the technique of Kruppism 
until it has sapped the idealism from German life. 
It is the great physical horse-power of the Hohen- 
zollerns and in this war makes its supreme effort 
to prolong its life. 

A prominent German once attempted to portray 
the beneficent use of Prussian might by counseling 
"Let us bravely organize forced migrations of the 
inferior peoples. Posterity will be grateful to us. 
We must coerce them. This is one of the tasks of 
war; the means must be superiority of armed force." 

Prussia by armed force assumes the role of the 
"superior" by self appointment. Another emi- 
nent kid glove artist said, "Germany is precisely — 
who would venture to deny it? — the representative 
of the highest morality, of the purest humanity, of 
the most chastened Christianity." 

This very zeal that glory can only be found on 
the battlefield of force is the real reason for driving 
so many Germans from their Fatherland to new 
abodes beyond the sea. Here is a people who by 
ethnic instinct loved "home ties," yet the rigors of 
the maintenance of militarism forced millions to 
break from the moorings of their homeland and seek 
relaxation in distant lands. 

39 



OVER HERE 

Germany, with fewer people per square mile than 
England, and wealthier per capita than most Euro- 
pean countries, has produced an exodus that re- 
mains unequalled in recent history. Germans left 
in continuous streams, bringing along their wives 
and children — not young men — not old men — not 
men in the prime of life, but young, middle and 
old. Almost invariably came females in equal num- 
ber with males, showing no thought of returning. 
The very vastness of this emigration is eloquent 
proof of a heartless system and the lack of liberal 
vision. 

Ransack the dismal chronicles of iron-woven 
Prussia and for every Cromwell in England you 
will find a stubborn Frederick in Prussia — for ev- 
ery Garibaldi in Italy you will find a tyrannical Bis- 
marck in Prussia — for every Washington in Amer- 
ica you will find a ravenous William in Prussia. 
Even the most statesmanlike of the Prussians 
yielded not an iota of his traditional prerogative. 

Our merciful and beloved Lincoln said, "Popular 
opinions and sentiments are the only true sovereign 
of a free people." Compare this mental attitude to 
the merciless avowal of the great Prussian hero, 
Moltke, in declaring "The real ballot box is the sol- 
dier's cartridge box, the real representative of the 
nation is the army." Germanic history shows no 
Gustavus Adolphus — no Joan of Arc. 

The whole Prussian plan is set up under the mar- 
tial myth of coercism and victory followed by gain- 
ful plunderings. First Prussia beat up the second 
rate states with the "iron mitt," later the Hohenzol- 
lerns clashed with the fanatical Hapsburg, but al- 
tered not the method. 

If consistency be a virtue, then the Prussian lead- 
ers have reached the superlative. Prussia picked 

40 



KRUPPISM DE LUXE 

quarrels with equal readiness and equal gains on 
all four sides — none has been immune. 

It fought its neighbor on the north ; and it fought 
its neighbor on the south. It fought its neighbor 
on the east; and it fought its neighbor on the west. 
All were fought in fifty years. 

It stole Poland in the east and annexed Alsace in 
the west. It detached Bavaria in the south and 
grabbed Schleswig in the north. Each was the act 
of an imperial mountebank, each was the result of 
a Hohenzollern plot. Each deal disregarded the 
rights of peoples, each was executed with the same 
"lead pipe." Each transaction was screened by the 
same old cry of "self-defense"; each job brought 
home the "loot." Each territory suffered spiritual 
death, each got "Prussianization." They all got the 
"loaded fist" and none received autonomy. 

When this job was done she sent her pernicious 
agents to other fields. She adroitly manipulated 
commercial undertakings in Asia and the Americas, 
purporting a legitimate aspect to cover the political 
meaning of her ulterior intent. The welfare of these 
people of whom the Germans were guests came 
second, the glory of the two-faced eagle first. The 
falsehearted "sop" about friendship was pure fraud 
— witness the classic perpetrated by Count Lux- 
burg. 

The moth-eaten claim of the German govern- 
ment, that war in 1914 was made in defense of its 
people, is the blackest lie ever printed on the soiled 
yellow pages of her white book. 

As long as the lies hold out and so long as the 
system can lie, so long will the liars continue to 
shackle the poor devils in the trench. For a long 
time to come the system of lies will work and the 
poor devils in the trench will fight, 

41 



OVER HERE 

Before we efface these calculating assassins from 
the land and from the water we shall meet with 
many gloomy days. But when we face the blue 
days that will certainly come, don't cringe, but take 
for your bible that splendid courage shown by the 
Frenchmen when the Hun was plunging twenty 
miles a day toward Paris. Look back to the trying 
days of Valley Forge, when our own patriots' only 
weapon was faith in God, right and final Victory. 

Remember that while U-boat piracy calls for 
precious tons of steel, and while many thousands of 
skilled operatives are drafted from a limited source, 
that millions of tons of shipping not yet built must 
yet go down to feed these jackals of the sea. 

But mournful as the consolation may be, the 
course of events is slowly shaping itself, so that the 
land fatalities of the Allies, enormous as they may 
seem, will soon be carried jointly among four great 
powers while the Potsdam troop must dig deeper 
into its own "damnpot" for the fodder that some 
day must fade. 

To hurry up this progressive drain Uncle Sam 
must "buck up." The scandalmongers and the 
forces of discord must be promptly imprisoned; the 
doubters of our cause must be quickly converted or 
join their brothers in detention camps. All classes 
of thought, from the I. W. W. pests to those exas- 
perating wavers of the olive branch, must unite ; for 
the alternative of victory is too terrible to contem- 
plate. 

The so-called "intellectual" who preaches that 
this war after all is merely a struggle between Eng- 
land and Germany, each with a set of vassals at 
variance over a policy of "island grabbing and coast 
clutching" does his country infinite wrong to the 
point of being a traitor. 

42 



KRUPPISM DE LUXE 

He who insists that the mere distinction between 
the quiet happiness of English dominions and the 
orderly efficiency of German colonies represents the 
total difference between the motive of the Kaiser 
and the cause of the Allies fails to visualize the big 
things — the big stakes for which the human race 
bleeds. 

There have been religious wars — there have been 
commercial wars and there have been dynastic 
wars, but all these wars were comparatively local- 
ized, involving but a people and sometimes a race. 
But here is a war that has stirred the whole of man- 
kind. It involves in its settlement all peoples and 
all races and affects the very root of future life and 
progress itself. 

It is of no consequence whether through your 
arteries flows the blood of a Teuton or the blood 
of a Saxon — the blood of a Latin or the blood of 
a Slav — the blood of a Nipponese or the blood of a 
hybrid — your obligation still remains. Any man, 
whether of single or mixed blood, is untrue to him- 
self and damns his posterity when he refuses to 
take part in this rebellion of civilization — a rebellion 
against that revolting barbarism — that turning back 
to other days now symbolized by militant Prussian- 
ism. 

Only a crusade for peace and justice could carry 
such an appeal as to force a score of the mightiest 
and most enlightened nations to unchangeable res- 
olution — a resolution, doleful as it is, to keep on 
throwing the lives of fresh millions into the world 
arena, until we are all emancipated. 

To preserve the memorials which are the model 
of a stricken but liberty-loving world we must 
mobilize our every resource, human and mate- 
rial. We must utilize our every resource to fight 
through a length of time no man can measure — 

43 



OVER HERE 

until Germany, Germans and Germanism see that 
the rights of man cannot be permanently infringed 
— until they realize that animalism cannot replace 
humanitarianism — until they definitely know that 
the setting aside of individual life itself is impossible 
— until we have wiped out forever the mad gangrene 
of Kruppism that has besmeared the shores of five 
once peaceful continents and festered the soul of 
the Prussian state. 



11 



Potsdam and Old Glory 

October, 1917 




POTSDAM AND OLD GLORY 

HERE comes a time to certain generations 
of men to make a definite choice; a choice 
of very life itself against the intangible 
thing — the life of generations to come. 
Such a time has arrived for this mottled racial 
make-up of America and the choice has been made. 
We prefer to hand down to our children the heri- 
tage of Old Glory rather than the spread-eagleism 
of Potsdam. We have chosen war to humiliation 
and disgrace — we have chosen war with its horrors 
in preference to the commands of Wilhelmstrasse. 

Some have said that this war was based on 
materialism, and on such a basis Old Glory is ill- 
fitted for a place on either side. While the war 
may have had its origin in the appetite for things 
called material, its developments certainly betray 
an overwhelming preponderance of conviction that 
victory by one side to bring artificial happiness for 
a certain one hundred and fifty million of people 
would bring irreparable disaster to the remaining 
billion and one-half. On the basis of fulfilling the 
desires of the greatest number of people involved 
in this war the philosophy of Potsdam must fall 
before the insistence of Democracy. 

Working on the belief that the self seeking Wil- 
helmstrasse clique inspired this dreadful war with- 
out consulting its people, our President has clearly 
defined the American view when he says : "We fight 
for the liberation of all peoples, the German peoples 
included." We, as Americans, believe this to be 
unqualifiedly true. 

If this be true then an impassable abyss forever 
separates the logic of the Democratic world from 
the whims of the ruling Teutons and their support- 
ers. The world is out to defeat Prussia, the idea 
and Germany, the People, if necessary. Let us not, 
however, overstretch the theory of "the good Ger- 

47 



OVER HERE 

man people" and "the bad German Kaiser." We 
certainly suspect a very considerable part of the 
"rabble" as well as all the ruling classes of Prussia 
stand shoulder to shoulder with their emperor, and 
the plain people of the German Empire, driven by 
the mania of enthusiasm for their Fatherland, will 
have to suffer in proportion to their devotion to the 
modernized jungle law of their Potsdam. 

You may extol the many accomplishments of 
Germans as individuals — you may respect old Ger- 
many, the nation — but in this fight, it should matter 
not the degree of your affection and respect for the 
old Germany as a nation. We must fight the idea 
of its autocracy, an idea that represents a difference 
of opinion so far removed from the trend of the 
balance of mankind that to let it live means a con- 
stant menace to the happiness of the world. 

We can see the fountain head of the Hohen- 
zollerns loudly claiming divine partnership and 
brilliantly painting Germany the super nation ; Ger- 
many far in advance in Science and Medicine — 
Germany's acknowledged leadership in solving 
many vexed economical and industrial problems — 
Germany, who, when the war broke out, had no 
paupers — Germany, who gave greater protection to 
her working men and working women than any 
other nation — Germany, who sent her educators 
around the world. 

All this may be the single or collective expression 
of Germans, as individuals, but if it is only express- 
ible under a system of Kaiserism, then it is a sad 
commentary on Germans as a race. Potsdam can 
rave and it can rant from its topmost pinnacle of 
blasphemy, claiming exclusive association with God 
— it can expound and it can paint, but the hostile 
nations and the quivering neutrals see only the 
overshadowing self expression of Potsdam itself in 

48 



POTSDAM AND OLD GLORY 

Zeppelins, liquid fire and chlorine gas. To them it 
is not understandable that German goodness must 
be eulogized by the compelling mandates of cannon. 

The Berlin gangsters place a discount on the 
accomplishments of the German race because the 
free utterance of a people can be throttled at will 
by the wish of a crafty despot; a despot that is 
loathed throughout the world. 

Because the scientists are made to design un- 
canny instruments of slaughter — because the land 
of no paupers can overnight be made a land of 
poverty — because a nation of industry converts 
itself into a nation of gun-makers — because a coun- 
try of educators turns its efforts to hymns of hate 
for the making of wrongful mistrusts — because the 
talent of leaders is turned to malignant plottings 
of destruction. 

Can this quick reverse be the self-imposed judg- 
ment of seventy millions of humans? If freedom 
resigned, could this Prussian hydrophobia startle 
mankind until more than twenty nations enroll 
themselves against it by taking up arms or by ostra- 
cizing its ministers? 

Yet Potsdam claims for its mimics all of the bene- 
fits of Democracies. It claims for Germany the 
purest and most chastened of governments. And 
can anyone say that a nation is not governed by 
its people when it is endowed with a written con- 
stitution for each state and the whole nation — where 
a congress must be held under these constitutions 
at stated periods — where all males of twenty-five 
years of age and over have the right to vote at fre- 
quent elections — where suffrage is such that a vote 
can be denied no subject except by loss of citizen- 
ship through imprisonment? 

Ordinarily, this would mean democracy as we 
know it — but let us analyze the constitutions them- 

49 



OVER HERE 

selves as to source of authority — as to limitation 
and extension of power — as to the participation of 
the people themselves in the direction of power 
conferred by such instruments. Let us see how 
under such a constitution Bethmann Hollweg, once 
Imperial Chancellor, can say with impunity as he did 
to the Reichstag: "Gentlemen, I do not serve Par- 
liament." Why, after the Reichstag's vote of cen- 
sure, he did not resign as is customary in France, 
England and Italy, but said: "That even children 
knew the difference between France and Germany." 
Yet this man is called one of Germany's liberals. 
What a mocking reflection on the intellect of the 
German people themselves — the very people who 
the Kaiser says are the most capable in the world! 
Isn't this a great satire on the people's intelligence? 

If these people are so free, why is it that Friedrich 
Naumann of the Reichstag in 1914, taunted to the 
point of humiliation, complains: "We on the left 
are altogether in favor of the parliamentary regime, 
by which we mean that the Reichstag cannot for- 
ever remain in a position of subordination. Why 
does the Reichstag sit at all? Why does it pass 
resolutions, if behind it is a waste paper basket 
into v/hich those resolutions are thrown? The prob- 
lem is to change the impotence of the Reichstag 
into some sort of power. The man who compared 
this house to a hall of echoes was not far wrong." 

Why was it that Dr. Frank in the Reichstag just 
before the war said: "Many millions among us feel 
it a burning shame that while Germans achieve 
great things in trade and industry, in politics they 
are deprived of their rights." 

To Mr. C. D. Hazen, Professor of European His- 
tory, Columbian University, we are indebted for 
his enlightening comments on the government of 
Germany and Prussia. It will serve well to review 

50 



POTSDAM AND OLD GLORY 

some of the undemocratic features which he points 
out, condensed as follows: 

"The Emperor declares war with the consent of 
the Bundesrat; the assent of the Reichstag is not 
required. If the Emperor feels that a prospective 
war is defensive, he need consult neither house. 
The chancellor is solely responsible to the Emperor 
— not the Reichstag. There are 61 members of the 
Bundesrat, of which 20 come from Prussia. Its 
delegates are not elected by the people, but are ap- 
pointed by the princes of the 25 states. They vote 
by unit according to instructions from the royalty 
and can veto any and all legislation initiated by the 
Reichstag. 

"The Reichstag cannot make or unmake minis- 
tries. It cannot make war. It inaccurately repre- 
sents the people on account of its basis for election. 
Some members are elected by a few thousand 
voters; others by hundreds of thousands. A voter 
in some districts counts for only a thirteenth of the 
voter in certain other districts. A common Berlin 
deputy represents on the average 125,000 voters, 
while the Junker from the East represents 24,000 
voters. The Reichstag can be dissolved by the 
Bundesrat. 

"In Prussia the voters are divided according to 
wealth. There are three classes, each electing a 
third of the so-called representatives. The first, or 
wealthy third, is elected by a few men. The semi- 
wealthy by an electorate approximately twenty 
times as large and the third, or masses, by a num- 
ber of voters a hundred and sometimes a thousand 
times as large. The suffrage is so manipulated as 
to defeat popular representation. In 1900 the social- 
ists, who actually cast a majority of the votes at 
that election, got only seven seats of nearly 400. 
The system gives enormous political power to the 

51 



OVER HERE 

rich. In 1908 the number of people voting in the 
three divisions were: first class, four per cent; sec- 
ond class, fourteen per cent; third class, eighty-two 
per cent. The first class chose the same numbers 
of electors as the third. In one district the vote of 
one man composed the first class all by himself." 

Mr. Hazen continues: "This system would seem 
to be outrageous enough by reason of its monstrous 
plutocratic caste. But this is not all. This reac- 
tionary edifice is appropriately crowned by another 
device — oral voting. Neither in the primary nor 
the secondary voting is a secret ballot used. Voting 
is not even by a written or printed ballot, but by 
the spoken word. Thus everyone exercises his 
right publicly in the presence of his superior or his 
patron or employer or his equals or the official rep- 
resentative of the King. In such a country as 
Prussia where the police are notoriously ubiquitous, 
what a weapon for absolutism! The great land- 
owners, the great manufacturers, the State, can 
easily bring all the pressure they desire to bear upon 
the voter, exercising his wretched rudiment of polit- 
ical power." 

This is the cant the plutocrats sing in place of a 
real people's constitution. The very structure of 
Germany is the inevitable nemesis of its dumbly 
trusting people, who may now, later or never, long 
to be free. 

But whatever may now or ultimately be the re- 
lation of the German people to their government, 
every right thinking American, irrespective of for- 
mer ties, must after these past three years see that 
we entered the war with a clear conscience, that 
we entered not to please or displease either side 
in Europe. That we entered not to please or dis- 
please a majority or a minority at home. The much 
discussed point of the questionable "beginning" of 

52 



POTSDAM AND OLD GLORY 

the war was solved by the appalling logic of Pots- 
dam itself. 

The concrete horrors and wasteful realities of 
war with its gruesome results have taught our 
people the more to cherish peace — even those muni- 
tion makers and others who "profiteered" counseled 
only preparedness — but NOT war until the right 
course was clear. But Potsdam finally drove it 
home here in America; it piled up case after case 
against itself that not only were the "profiteers ,, and 
the "pacifists" but even the formerly indifferent 
masses literally driven to the only solution — war. 

Here is a great democratic peace-loving nation 
whose written histories, consciously or otherwise, 
have taught us not to love England, whose records 
show it was committed to peace and justice since 
its birth, yet who when the time came buried its 
prejudice for England and joined side by side to 
fight the Prussian — not for the rectification of 
boundary lines, not for "profiteering," not for com- 
merce, not for indemnities, but for uprightness and 
honor. 

We must finish the fight with all we possess 
— not alone for uprightness and honor, but protec- 
tion and security for ourselves and the unborn to 
follow. 

This group of men, typified by Potsdam, can prac- 
tice hypocrisy and follow the path of shame them- 
selves, but no nation can follow the lead of such 
men indefinitely without coming to the fateful end. 

The end must come and it will come when this 
"caste" is overcome; and to beat it brings no dis- 
paragement to the valor of the German people as 
they have given ample evidence of their readiness 
for untold sacrifices the same as have other peoples, 
but they have been duped. 

53 



OVER HERE 

Remember, France found her freedom in defeat; 
England found freedom by the sword of Washing- 
ton and his "despised colonials"; and a torpid Ger- 
many will yet see liberty through an array of gun- 
power never before massed since the world called 
itself civilized. 

Such an ending may dawn only after many pain- 
ful years, but already the smug pretense of the 
Kaiser is broken — his military fortunes will soon 
pass the crest — his ability to strike back will wane — 
he must soon see the receding tide — the wanton 
wastage of reserves — that his debauched alliance is 
unnatural — that imperial insanity cannot circum- 
vent independence. 

We no longer hear the insufferable boastings of 
invincibility — the cry of "on to Paris" — of "on to 
Verdun." He cannot but heed his justly deserved 
result of the most sneaking campaign of falsity that 
ever disgraced a nationality. He cannot but per- 
ceive that the prophetic failure of the submarine 
to get a quick decision will cost him the certainty 
of an American army in France within two years. 
That American conscription within six weeks after 
the war is the final sign of the times — that the 
deadly earnestness of appropriated billions of dollars 
unequalled in the history of parliamentary govern- 
ments is the determination of the greatest republic 
— that equity cannot forever be trampled under foot 
— that so long as he fights so long will his country 
be denied intercourse with the world; and until he 
yields, just so long will the oncoming millions from 
around the earth never cease. 

But whether routed in four years or forty, those 
recurring spectres of the Lusitania, of Belgium, 
Poland and France with their "scraps of paper" will 
be a part of the unsavory verdict which must be 

54 



POTSDAM AND OLD GLORY 

written into all the future histories of mankind as 
the last legacy of the Hohenzollerns. 

History down through the ages echoes and re- 
echoes the struggle of races for freedom and of 
men for liberty. For the thing called Liberty man 
has suffered as no animal could endure. We here 
in America made sacrifices of our highest and in 
Russia they have seen sacrifices of their lowliest. 
For Liberty we have seen great souls, like Lincoln, 
sacrificed to the bullet of a lowly assassin. For 
Liberty we have seen the simple souls of Russia 
suffer the bleak steppes of Siberia from the "all 
highest" Czar. The great and the small have given 
their very all for the enthronement of these ele- 
mentary sanctities of individual liberty and of the 
right to live free. 

It is today the same old fight except that the 
forces of Democracy increase as time goes on. 
America, the haven of Huguenots and Quakers, of 
Armenians and Jews, of Poles and Germans — Amer- 
ica, the haven of oppressed and unhappy millions 
from around the globe, you of all the champions of 
right should now stand out in bold relief. 

America, the place where men and women, when 
shorn of all but life itself, instinctively turn for 
comfort — for the new chance — the land of happiness 
— the land of promise — the place where men come 
when they divorce the old teachings of kings to 
accept the new beliefs of a free people — the very 
ideal of ideals. America, the land of a hundred an- 
cestries — America, the magnet of the world — you 
should be the freest giver and the staunchest fighter, 
that Old Glory may bring to us all that Liberty, 
that Equality and that Fraternity for which men 
have struggled and died since man became man. 



55 



Statistics and "Gott Mit Uns" 

December, 1917 




STATISTICS AND "GOTT MIT UNS" 

HE London Post says: "It is within the 
ability of America to vanquish the whole 
power of Germany sooner or later." Now 
that is perfectly true, but we shall be a 
terrible disappointment to our Allies and shall our- 
selves suffer a dreadful reaction unless we lift our 
duty from the conversational stage and substitute 
concerted action. Procrastination with its calam- 
itous results can only be eliminated by a keener 
sense of responsibility of the individual citizen 
himself. 

This idea of buying a Liberty Bond, giving to the 
Red Cross, hanging up a Food Conservation card, 
sending cigarettes to the soldiers and then with a 
feeling of relief talk about "business as usual" 
doesn't discharge our obligation. It won't win the 
war. The mind of the public must be renovated, 
taught and stimulated. That requires individual 
effort and individual effort means greater produc- 
tivity. A man does not begin to comply with his 
duty until he is really inconvenienced — until he 
makes a sacrifice that really hurts. 

It devolves upon America to become the main- 
spring in this war as well as the moral leader. Our 
inventory of American material resources, and facil- 
ities, staggers the world. Our gold, silver, copper, 
iron, coal and oil output comparatively reduces Ger- 
many to a pygmy. Our miles of railroad, trolley 
lines, telephone and telegraph lines, with passengers, 
tons of freight transported and millions of messages 
transmitted so far overshadow Germany's facilities 
that if placed under proper organization Germany 
would crumble in months instead of years. To se- 
cure that organization is largely up to the individual 
himself. 

It is this glittering inventory sheet that we all too 
readily turn to when we want to win the war by 

57 



OVER HERE 

comfortable fireside methods. We are apt to sink 
to mere vain boasting and believe that mere enthu- 
siasm can supplant calm and necessary organization. 
If an exhibition of imposing statistics is the recipe 
of success we might as well tear a page from an 
encyclopedia and mail it to the Kaiser. 

Now the cold facts are if the lords of the Hohen- 
zollern oligarchy made peace today they would be 
the victors. Unless their conception of the use of 
arms is completely and absolutely wrecked they will 
have won the war irrespective of territorial align- 
ment. With even a remote chance left for future 
success they will go on infecting new subjects on 
the outside while impregnating the younger genera- 
tion at home with the same battle fever of their 
fathers. 

They will see to it that this pestilence does not 
die out, for that would be autocracy's calamity. 
The "Weekly Paper for the Youth of Germany" is 
already striving to influence the next "crop." Not 
long ago it carried the following article — "War is 
the most august and sacred of human activities. 
For us too the great joyful hour of battle will one 
day strike." 

An analysis of the siftings of Prussian preach- 
ments cannot fail but show that if Prussia is balked 
in this war but left substantially intact that she will 
not be modest about starting another at a time and 
place that meets her convenience. It is not impos- 
sible that her "whole-hog or none" politicians have 
profited much by their mistakes and that in the next 
war will so manipulate it that the Allies of today 
will never again present a firm front. 

All this can only show to us that the job must be 
finished now. With Russia out it places a greater 
burden on America for immediate action. Russia 
is out for good — she will never fire another gun. 

58 



STATISTICS AND "GOTT MIT UNS" 

It looks as though Germany, after annexing what 
she wants, will seek to break Russia up into small 
states incapable of any joint action. In future wars 
"Blind Man Bluff Bolshevikism" with bombs and 
vodka will never be a match for Prussia or a mili- 
tary help to the present Allies. Her only contribu- 
tion now can be newspaper headlines for dull days. 

The complete Russian disintegration is the neces- 
sity for greater effort on our part. Nineteen Hun- 
dred Eighteen will be a blue year for the Western 
Allies. We must do twice the work contemplated 
in one-half the time. Every individual should coun- 
sel his friends to stop talking about an early peace, 
or a German revolution, or that "Germany has 
learned her lesson." That kind of talk uncon- 
sciously renders a negative service to the nation. 

Our leaders know that there will be no early peace 
— that Austria cannot be detached until she herself 
or Germany herself is pummeled to a frazzle — that 
there will be no German revolution — that the so- 
called "good effect" of the Russian riot on Germany 
is only "piffle" — that "Germany has learned her les- 
son" is the craziest kind of a fable — that the mon- 
strous sacrilege of "me and Gott" is still rigidly 
imbedded in the "die Deutsche militar," and that 
the "Deutsche militar" will reign supreme until 
entirely delaureled. No nation ever overthrew a 
victorious monarch, besides Germany is a land of 
hero worshippers. 

Germany will fight on until whipped — the talk 
about Austria refusing to send men to fight in 
France is buncombe; Austrians will go to France 
and they will fight. War correspondents' reports 
to the contrary express only hopes. Teutonic 
newspapers always freely feed their publics on hy- 
perboles and we have given good subjects for their 
propaganda. We had organized draft resisters in 

59 



OVER HERE 

our Western States, we had strikes in all large 
cities, we had food raids in New York, we had rail- 
road transportation disorganized in nearly all states. 

None of these was a barometer of the nation's 
desire for a discontinuance of the war or indicative 
of the desire for a patched up peace. But they got 
good circulation in Germany. Don't forget when 
you pick up the morning paper and see that Teutonic 
munition makers are on the strike that there are 
German editors headlining our own ship building 
strikes in Philadelphia and Seattle. 

Remember that for every one fairy tale about 
twenty-five thousand Germans deserting their army, 
Berliners are reading two stories about Oklahoma 
draft riots. Note that when we hear of a "rumpus" 
in the Austrian Reichsrathe that the editorials of our 
yellow journals are being copiously quoted in 
Vienna. Whenever the Berlin Vorwarts reports an 
uprising in the Reichstag against the pan-German- 
ists that the Central papers from Hamburg to Con- 
stantinople are featuring the traitorous attitude of 
our congressional "Benedict Arnolds" whose names 
no true American paper cares to print. 

So let us beware of being misled by this printers' 
and reporters' camouflage; it is entirely irrelevant 
to the great issues involved. Let us dismiss entirely 
from our minds the idea that some new and terri- 
ble invention will quickly vanquish the submarine 
and that some fantastic aerial torpedo will blow 
up Berlin. Germany must be beaten in the good 
old-fashioned way, and that means individual un- 
derstanding, co-operation and centralization of exec- 
utive work. 

Germany had her opportunity to join in the 
political spirit of the times but willingly turned 
down the chance and stuck to "club-law" tactics. 
It is only medieval Germany who imputes any 

60 



STATISTICS AND "GOTT MIT UNS" 

desire for conquest upon the Allies while it is nearly 
the whole of an enlightened race that accuses 
Germany of the intention of unjust annexations and 
domination, and produces the proof. 

Who is it that even before the war of Nineteen 
Fourteen would have rejoiced at the liberation of 
Palestine? The world. Who would have, even before 
the war of Nineteen Fourteen, looked upon the lib- 
eration of Palestine with distress ? Germany. Who 
is it now outside of the Turk who looks upon the 
freeing of Jerusalem as a disaster? Germany. 
Who is it now that hails with joy the deliverance 
of Jerusalem? The world . . . That's the real 
symbol of Justice and Right for which we fight. 

Who is it that has always readily shipped cannon 
and munitions to any country that could purchase, 
regardless of the cause in which they were to be 
used? Who is it that specializes in cannon build- 
ing and produces more munitions in peace than any 
nation in the world? Who is it that goaded neutral 
America, who had nothing to do with the conditions 
that made for war, and forced her to belligerency? 
Who deliberately insulted a nation that had com- 
mitted no hostile act and had laboriously main- 
tained neutrality? 

Who is it that claims our country that tried in 
Nineteen Sixteen to bring about peace between the 
antagonists was too "money loving" to fight? Ger- 
many. Who is it that said only six months later, 
in Nineteen Seventeen, that our sole inspiration for 
war is love of money? Germany. This is the nation 
which we are now invited to meet at the Russian 
conference and make peace. 

Let us not be fooled about this military party's 
desire to reform as will be the Russian political 
kindergarten at Brest Litovsk. It is trying to dis- 
pose of one nation at a time and if it whips either 

61 



OVER HERE 

France or England this year what will happen to 
the other next? 

We Western Allies must pool our fortunes — we 
must have inseparable unity — we must have the 
allied armies under a single military head who must 
have absolute authority over all forces to resist the 
unprecedented "drive" that the Kaiser must and will 
make. Such a command is vital on the West Front 
— for here the drive will be against the British or 
French and here the war must be won — the same 
front where all the big wars of late history have 
been won and lost. We have got to quit thinking 
in terms of abstraction and generalities and get 
busy. 

We are fighting to save the United States of 
America and our institutions. Would any but a 
flabby intellect believe that a revengeful and 
enraged Germany, flushed with a European victory, 
would stop her policy of subjugation short of this 
side of the Atlantic? No "word force" could keep 
her "kultur" away from our shore. If she stopped 
it would only be to assimilate her gains and after a 
war breeding peace start afresh. 

Many honest thinking Americans feel this only 
the belief of an alarmist. Remember we all thought 
such a world war impossible, but it happened. We 
knew it was within the power of Germany to pre- 
vent the war but she didn't. We couldn't believe 
the Germans would invade Belgium, but they did. 
We didn't believe she would sink a Lusitania, but 
she did. We didn't believe she would deport men 
and women, but she did. We didn't believe that 
Zeppelins would deliberately bombard London from 
the air, but they did. We didn't think they were 
Huns, but they are. 

Those that are willing to know, now see the 
brazen manner in which the Junkers have lauded 

62 



STATISTICS AND "GOTT MIT UNS" 

the coarse methods by which they have exploited 
their own people and propose to exploit others. The 
lying faces that have been blackened by soot of 
burning cities reduce to mockery the fine profes- 
sions of their peace-time oratory. 

Germany of Nineteen Eighteen is not the Ger- 
many of Nineteen Fourteen. She's worse. She's 
"red eyed," "blood shot" and hungry. She will 
undergo no transformation through half victory. 
We cannot as a single nation expect more mercy 
from such an aggregation than meted out to collec- 
tive Europe. Our own domestic task becomes in- 
creasingly difficult as our final blow must be deliv- 
ered a long way from home though from a selfish 
standpoint we should consider ourselves fortunate 
that we can fight the Boche in France instead of 
bringing desolation here to America. 

We are fighting the War of Independence all over 
again, only transplanted to a foreign land. This is 
a renaissance of what we fought for at Lexington 
and Yorktown only on a grander scale. The victory 
must be straight, clean cut and positive. We must 
have, not a victory by negotiation, but a military 
victory that will stand out as a precedent for the 
future, and we must go on record now for all time 
with our friends in Europe that we mean to "go all 
the way." 

The domineering Prussian will not be beaten by 
starvation, bankruptcy, or revolution but on the 
battlefields of France and Belgium. He cannot be 
decisively beaten alone by our European Allies, but 
he assuredly can with American help — not with half 
our power but with all our power, not in weeks, not 
in months, but in years. 

The London Post is right, but we must put our 
statistics on the shelf and mobilize our brain for 
a big job, for we shall soon be the mainstay, the 

6S 



OVER HERE 

anchor around which the varying fortunes of a 
hopeful world must hold during Nineteen Eighteen, 
Nineteen Nineteen, Nineteen Twenty and beyond. 
The more earnest our preparation, the more prompt 
our action and the less our professional optimism — 
the quicker our realization of our requirements — the 
sooner will we put the unrepentant Kaiser under the 
hammer and send his cannon-loving Prussians to 
their military heaven. 



64 



Tribalism and Schrecklichkeit 

February, 1918 




TRIBALISM AND SCHRECKLICHKEIT 

E as terrible as Attila's Huns." Thus nobly 
spoke Wilhelm Hohenzollern eighteen 
years ago to his drugged perverts, the Ger- 
man army. In pursuance of that revered 
Prussian principle, "unfailing obedience," his army 
has not been found wanting. Neither has it failed 
to earn in the great war the ripened fruit of his 
terroristic methods — the sincere hostility of two 
hemispheres. 

A codex of the war adoring tenets of "Schreck- 
lichkeit" discloses no greater irony to an anti-Prus- 
sian world than the saying of one J. Rump (a Ger- 
man pastor) : "From all sides testimonies are flow- 
ing in as to the noble manner in which our troops 
conduct the war." Herr Lehman (see "On the Ger- 
man God") tells us, "Germany is the center of God's 
plans for the world." 

Here we have the Kaiser's conception of "noble- 
ness" — his peoples' testimonial of its sanctity and 
we ourselves are notified of its lofty mission. 
"Schrecklichkeit" is merely the German's appeal 
for the overthrow of rationalism and the substitu- 
tion of organized tribalism. 

This godless king of Prussia has halted at no bar- 
rier to instill into his beloved bondmen the divinity 
of himself, the vindication of his dastardly means 
and the imagined predestined goal of his race. 

He has animated professors and illiterates, barons 
and squatters — merchants and mongers — highbrows 
and lowbrows — somebodies and nobodies — clas&es 
and masses. To mold his national personality he 
has whipped them all into a deadly sameness that 
sticks like a thorn into the breasts of white men, 
yellow men and brown men. He has changed the 
very corpuscles of German character from red to 
yellow. 

67 



OVER HERE 

Whether or not this philosophy of the Teuton be 
accountable for the actual start of the war, it cer- 
tainly contributes to the base manner in which it 
is carried on and the projected attainment of its 
iniquitous intention. 

The state of the German mind today is not the 
result of the call to arms in nineteen fourteen in 
the fake name of "defense," but the result of decades 
of mental preparedness. The docility, the never 
questioning obedience, the will to unify for any 
cause, good or bad, without a murmur, is the result 
of a deliberate educational plan. Since the heyday 
of Metternich, it has fostered a most damnable con- 
ception of national life. It is this blind, unthinking 
unification that would probably today elect Herr 
Hohenzollern president if there were a German 
Republic. 

Germany is far behind the Anglo-Saxon in giving 
freedom to its people. As a matter of fact the An- 
glo-Saxon didn't wait for someone to give him free- 
dom. He went out and got it himself. It was only 
early in eighteen hundred that Germany released 
some five million serfs who wanted emancipation. 
These five million men were then freed by legal 
method only later to be remade by the Kultur 
method into a "seventy million nation of political 
crudities and grave diggers." 

Freedom in intellectual development for the mass- 
es in Germany has never been. Their elementary 
instruction is essentially one of undeviating direc- 
tion. Discipline of the individual is paramount, yet 
the state can practice indiscipline with impunity. 
Every child is taught that his life is the property of 
the state. Any tendency toward self-reliance is 
discouraged, smothered and entombed. 

It is this atavism — this keeping the school goers 
in the narrow shadows of the past — that has en- 

68 



TRIBALISM AND SCHRECKLICHKEIT 

abled the leaders to turn out seventy million fight- 
ing male and female serfs while the Allies with 
humanized governments can for a long time pit 
against them only a small percentage of their men. 

But educationally the "low percentage" statis- 
tics of Germany's illiterates is deceptive. The mere 
faculty of reading and writing is not the dimension 
of a nation's intelligence. The development of a 
human automaton, whose education is administered 
in the form of a capsule, cannot qualify a people to 
properly discharge civic and national duties. It 
does, however, qualify them for a condition of sub- 
servience to a ringleader that is the ideal of an auto- 
crat. It allows the master to effect a provokable 
circumstance, as we have seen in this war, and then 
"pitchfork" his automatons into the ring. 

Germany is wedded to the idea of "Superiority," 
the God-given right to dominate and to impart her 
"superiority" to others regardless of the means. K. 
A. Kuhn says: "Must Kultur rear its domes over 
mountains of corpses, oceans of tears and the death 
rattle of the conquered ? Yes, it must ! Either one 
denies altogether the beneficent effect of Kultur 
upon humanity and confesses oneself an Arcadian 
dreamer, or one allows to one's people the right of 
domination — in which case the might of the con- 
queror is the highest law of morality before which 
the conquered must bow." A people lured on by 
such Darwinian, pristine fantasy sooner or later 
will lose its balance and find itself at the watershed 
of ruin. 

A nation that can sink to such unfathomable bom- 
bast is just the nation that would try to derail civ- 
ilization for some such bureaucratic concoction. 
Tacitus tells us (96 A. D.), that the Germans then 
believed that the Deity accompanied their soldiers 
in war. Today Germany relies upon no outside 

69 



OVER HERE 

historian to record the triumvirate of God, Kaiser 
and Kultur, but with unshrinking modesty admits 
the accompaniment of God in German affairs — a sort 
of close corporation — probably with Count Luxburg 
chairman of the records committee. 

Here in America we have seen the elevating ef- 
fects of German propaganda — how many of her 
commercial concerns were but clearing houses for 
spies. As a matter of cold fact, Germany has been 
secretly fighting us for a generation, by seeking to 
divide our national council. 

We finally were up against the humiliating reve- 
lation of Bernstorff, Dumba, Papen, Boy-Ed and 
other of the highest, lowest and middle of accred- 
ited representatives to our government. They vio- 
lated all diplomatic precedents and stooped to the 
most despicable spying. If we should criticise, it 
would be that our government had been far too len- 
ient with such unprincipled "gum shoe" rascals. 
Diplomatic code protected them, but diplomatic 
code did not protect us. 

Observation seems to indicate that the public 
will demand to see the professional spies treated as 
criminals and hanged — the general run of near-Ger- 
man sympathizers should be interned and after the 
war deported. The German newspapers should be 
closed out immediately — throw out all the German 
professors— eliminate the German language from 
the High School and College. Let us clean house 
and give ourselves the benefit of the doubt when 
making a decision. 

Let's get off the "soft pedal" and take an inven- 
tory of our unassimilated Americanism. Whatever 
it shows should be rooted out, interned now and 
"kicked out" as soon as possible. To let it stay 
would simply be to absorb "traitorism" into our 
national life. A little drastic action will be a fine 

70 



TRIBALISM AND SCHRECKLICHKEIT 

guide for any foreigner in the future. Let him learn 
to be one hundred per cent American or stay away. 

Let us forget about the convenience and comfort 
of the "near patriots" who just keep one step back 
of the dead line. Let us not take them into our con- 
fidence, because they are not worthy of it and would 
abuse it. Most of them can be "spotted" — they are 
the type that would make a doormat out of these 
United States while blustering about their loyalty 
— yet if they openly could do it they would lead a 
parade of the Kaiser's hyenas up Fifth Avenue. 

Remember, a man can't be a traitor in March and 
become a patriot in April. If Germany as a nation 
is outlawed, then German sympathizers in Amer- 
ica should be outlawed politically and commercially. 

Now that we are in the war we must prepare to 
hear from Germany's officially inspired papers a 
wave of slander that will outdo her best. The fact 
that the previous feats of her loathsome campaign 
have brought her in return a significant feeling of 
dogged bitterness teaches her nothing. 

The campaign of portable hate must and will com- 
plete the cycle. First they despised the "degenerate 
French" — then cursed the "shilling changing" 
Briton — then it was "God punish Italy" — now their 
newspapers call us the "Ruthless Yankees." This is 
quite a tribute to the mental calisthenics of the Ger- 
man machine-made mind; also an excellent compli- 
ment to us to rise in estimation from contempt to 
hate. 

It will do us no harm to overlook her hate, but 
her putrid spy policy cannot be overlooked because 
it flaunts the very rottenness that distinguishes 
her from others. Germany does not only hang pur- 
posefully to the discards of present day nations, but 
she has emulated — yes, deified the impieties of the 

71 



OVER HERE 

ancients, while the head of the clan stands before 
his people glorified and unashamed. 

We hear a great deal about the "good German 
people" but it continues to grow upon us that there 
is a goodly percentage of these "good German peo- 
ple" that "out-Kaiser" the Kaiser. Upon the out- 
break of the war thirty-five hundred professors and 
lecturers of Germany signed the following mani- 
festo : "Our belief is that the salvation of the whole 
Kultur of Europe depends upon the victory which 
German 'militarism' is about to achieve." 

This optimistic chorus of incomparable egoists 
— this never-flagging tribalism — this flaming primi- 
tiveness — this sanctified immoralism with its result- 
ing monotony of butchery has brought to a focus 
the repulsiveness of her institutions. From the 
priceless bits of "no man's land" to the valueless 
wastes of Australia — from the ice-cooled rivers of 
Mongolia to the mushy swamps of the Congo — 
comes a broadside of anti-Germanism that will girdle 
the Teutonic peoples for a generation. 

We have our faults — we are not moralists — we 
have no concern as to the conduct of the Empire's 
internal affairs except as it bears on our unques- 
tioned right to live undisturbed. If the German peo- 
ple want to be led by a mad dog, that is their busi- 
ness; but when they unchain the mad dog and its 
litter of "hell pups" then it becomes our business. 

If the "Systems" people expect to re-establish 
political fellowship with other peoples, let them de- 
militarize the mad dog and its mad pups — any other 
way will doom them to war until Kingdom come. 

If the German people will not reform their habits 
then the pro-Ally world will have a right to assume 
that their nation is committed irretrievably to its 
evil philosophy and that the success of "Schrecklich- 

11 



TRIBALISM AND SCHRECKLICHKEIT 

keit" would be "carte blanche" to continue its vile 
sins of the past. 

We believe that the ever accumulating evidence 
is already ample to show that an early reform will 
not come from within — the system's penetration 
seems complete from the steel heel to the spike of 
the helmet. We don't believe that the inbred caste 
of Wilhelm will ever see the light of anything but 
the flash of gunpowder. The reform must come 
from without — and through years of war — it must 
come through sea control and through the final mil- 
lion shells that the Allies will hurl at the Father- 
land after the last Prussian gun has been forever 
stilled. 

Every American wants peace, but he doesn't want 
it until we have made an omelet of the hellish 
breed that stands for "Verboten" — until it is laid 
bare, naked and nude before all mankind in homage 
to liberty. 



Kaiserism Par Excellence 

April, 1918 




KAISERISM PAR EXCELLENCE 

AISERISM is the earthly apex in the devel- 
opment of a caste system whose objects 
are illegal and whose inspiration is solely 
material. It has uncanny faculties for 
measuring length, breadth and height, but lacks 
psychology and is therefore unable to measure 
mankind. It classifies all things human as imper- 
sonal. It sets into operation all of its machinery 
from duplicity to "spurlos versenkt." (Sink without 
trace). It hurdles and plunges and will stop only 
when beaten. 

Kaiserism is wrong in the motive it seeks and is 
universally damned for the method it uses. To 
Kaiserism and the Hohenzollern goes the glory 
for the final kingly attempt to wreck the ideals that 
underlie democratic civilization in favor of the dic- 
tatorial standards of two hundred years ago. Al- 
though Kaiserism feels that it speaks but modestly 
of itself when it says, "The German soul is the 
world soul, God and Germany belong to one an- 
other," we know what it would do if it got the 
chance. 

You of the Hohenzollern breed have brought im- 
measurable shame upon the once respected German 
people. We well know that it will not only take 
years of patience and courage, but lives without 
number and incalculable treasure to bring you to de- 
feat and erase the awful memories of the grim, gall- 
ing, gory acts of Prussia, Prussians and Prussian- 
ism. 

Peace dedicated by your philosophy of brutal 
might is beyond the pale of endurance. You are 
as incapable of making a decent peace as you are 
competent of conducting this war with newly in- 
vented horrors. Estoppel now in any guise would 
mean victory for your demented ruffians and defeat 
for all that is held dear to Democracy. The world 

75 



OVER HERE 

is yet unready to trust the German word as uttered 
by you — a word from you is a dubious and precar- 
ious thing — the honor is gone — the sacredness is 
gone — it savors of diplomacy long discarded. 

You made your boast, you heralded your machine- 
like efficiency — you made your strike but you miss- 
ed — you belittled everything except yourself and 
you miscalculated everybody, including yourself. 

We are not misled — we know your machine is 
highly militarized and powerful, but we are work- 
ing by "common consent" with our Allies — we do 
not propose to fight you moderately or inefficiently. 
We do propose by the cogent arguments of men, 
guns, money, ships and food to carry our message 
to Potsdam — charged not with exalted patriotism — 
not with political ignorance — not with mistaken con- 
ceptions — not with execrable cruelty — not with 
flagrant wickedness — not with shameful acts — not 
with bomb plotting — not with things cowardly and 
contemptible, but with a sense of plain duty and 
unwavering determination. 

We hold no illusions about American soldiers 
getting to Berlin or a war of short duration. We 
know that your military machine yet manifests great 
staying power ; it makes desperate assaults but they 
are the result of fear that defeat must ultimately 
come one year, five years, or ten years hence; you 
cannot stay forward; you must in time go back- 
ward; you cannot win your Ides of March 
must come. 

It is true that your Crown Prince said that he 
would make short work of France and of Russia 
and would then be ready for England and the Unit- 
ed States of America. Then all your plans were 
in the "blue print" stage, all was confidence .... 
all was aggression ... no thought of defense. 

76 



KAISERISM PAR EXCELLENCE 

On the theory of "safety first" you subjugated 
your own people politically, promised them a quick 
decision war — that they would be home before the 
year was over — but before the Fall of nineteen four- 
teen you raised the old "stock" cry of self-defense. 

To the world you picture the boastful and "loud- 
mouthed" bully of the street who looks with con- 
tempt upon his "easy mark," picks the quarrel, 
makes his rush and misses his punch. With his 
bluff gone he is actually fighting in self-defense, be- 
wails his "tough luck," looks for sympathy and 
yells that "the other fellow" started it. 

Kaiserism, your plighted word has brought world 
distrust upon yourself. We will surely avoid your 
fake move for peace. We all feel it is incumbent 
upon every American and every Ally to not "do his 
bit" but to "do his damnedest" in destroying such 
a double dealing government conducted by the most 
infamous personnel that ever cursed the destinies 
of the Christendom. Kaiserism, you shall not go 
unpunished; an outraged world will fight you to a 
definite end; the old stigma must be wiped out. 
You have got to go down in your own inferno. 

You told your subdued masses that the world 
was jealous of you and aimed to destroy your busi- 
ness in foreign lands. Did you ever explain to 
them how you took advantage of foreign hospital- 
ity — in Brazil, for instance, where you had over 
three hundred thousand of your people — with many 
organizations, sustained by your money grants, and 
playing your dirty game? Did you do this to pro- 
tect yourselves against the aggressions of Brazil? 
Did you fear they would attack you? Is this a part 
of your defense plan? 

No, the world did not resent the financial and 
commercial structures reared by you in other lands, 
but it did and does resent their being used as a 

77 



OVER HERE 

base for political operations. The "second story" 
system of your spies has aroused an ever increasing 
feeling against everything German — no longer will 
generosity be imposed upon and sit blindly by 
through your corruption and treachery. 

You expected to crush France in a few weeks. 
You stated publicly to your subjects and soldiers 
from your palace balcony in August, 1914, "Before 
the leaves have fallen from the trees you will be 
back in your homes." Were you right? 

You stated to Ambassador Gerard that "there is 
no international law." The whole world disagrees 
with you. Were you right? 

Your trained chimpanzee, Zimmerman, said: 
"Give us only two months of this kind (submarine) 
of warfare and we shall end the war and make peace 
within three months." Were you right? 

This same chimpanzee stated: "The United 
States does not dare to do anything against Ger- 
many because we have five hundred thousand Ger- 
man reservists in America who will rise in arms 
against your government if your government should 
dare to do anything against Germany." Were you 
right? 

It is true that you took President Wilson's elec- 
tion to mean that you could again cut loose with 
your piratical "rough stuff." Were you right? 

It is true that you expected England and Japan 
to stay out — your brother Henry said so. Were 
you right? 

It is true that you were sure that Italy and Greece 
would help you, for was not your sister the Queen 
of Greece, was not Italy a member of the Triple 
Alliance? Were you right? 

You planned that your territorial and money 
bribes to Mexico would dismember our country; 

78 



KAISERISM PAR EXCELLENCE 

you tried to array Japan against us. You did this 
when we were at peace with you; you thought we 
would sit idly by; you thought it would work. 
Were you right? 

One of your vomiting mouthpieces last year 
stated: "That public sentiment of America was 
incapable of raising an army large enough to make 
any impression." Here you measured us by your 
estimation of physical strength — to you justice was 
secondary — we have already enlisted voluntarily 
more than a million men and will call many more. 
Were you right? 

We forgive you for these mistakes of your judg- 
ment, for one steeped in the art of intrigue, of car- 
nage and slaughter as you, cannot be right; but 
we do not forgive you for the deluge of blood which 
has swept all — for the long black lists that you daily 
send home to mothers — for your insane despoila- 
tion of France — for your unparalleled deeds of 
shame in Belgium — for your indecent attacks upon 
things heretofore considered inviolable. 

We further condemn you, damn you and curse 
you, because you recognize not the law of the land, 
not the law of the sea, not the law of men, and be- 
cause you obey only the passionless, pitiless, soul- 
less impulses of aboriginal might. 

You have searched the archives that antedate 
modern times to find a precedent for your brutish 
compaigns. You found it when you went back and 
back and back to the red records of the Hun, the 
Tartar and the Turk. 

For more than three long, inhuman, never-to-be- 
forgotten years you fed the ocean sharks with baby 
flesh — you defiled the womanhood of five nations- — 
you paved Europe with men's bones. You have 
undeniably expressed your devotion to the ideals 
of Attila, of Tamerlane and of Genghis Khan. 

79 



OVER HERE 

You have for 300,000 hours, for 13,000 days, for 
1,900 weeks, for 480 months, for 40 years, through 
light and dark, looked impatiently forward to "der 
Tag." The day that you felt that you were ready 
while the world was not — the day when your paid 
obstructionists had completed their fabric of prop- 
aganda — the day when your murder tools were 
sharp to the razor edge, when by one titanic, irre- 
sistible drive you could put the stamp of Kaiser, 
Kaiserists and Kaiserism indelibly upon the world. 

You mustered into your organizations Kings, 
Vassals, Dupes, Clowns, Parasites, Bootlickers, 
Liars, Spies, Crooks, Gunmen, Thugs, Peons, Serfs, 
and Slaves. Every known trick, every subterfuge, 
every misrepresentation, every plot, every machina- 
tion and every blackmail were resorted to as read- 
ily as your factories turned out your hellish can- 
non. 

You sang of international amity while you plan- 
ned universal dominion — you talked of lofty inten- 
tions while you made new maps — you chanted of 
brotherly love by day while you held your grave- 
yard rehearsals by night. You nursed excessive 
nationalism but denied the rights of others to sa- 
lute their flag. You stated that "in the midst of per- 
fect peace the enemy surprises us." You were in- 
deed so taken by surprise that before you could re- 
alize how the enemy had taken advantage of you, 
you had wrecked Belgium and were leaning against 
the gates of Paris. We have seen in your words 
and acts the most ferocious satire yet evolved by 
man. 

You have made war for dynasty's sake and for 
war's sake — you have violated treaties, you have 
broken agreements and you have disregarded most 
sacred rights. You forced Belgian civilians to screen 
your armies — you sacked Brussels — you burned 

80 



KAISERISM PAR EXCELLENCE 

Louvain — you requisitioned from the helpless, mate- 
rials for which you agreed to pay in gold, then you 
forcibly collected a tax and paid them in their own 
gold, then further levied a national indemnity to 
get back the gold, and when this gold was gone you 
deported the ruined peoples to your war loving 
country to make shells to kill off their own patriots ! 

You used poison gas first at Ypres, you dropped 
bombs on London — you shelled defenseless coast 
towns — you sank merchant ships — you sank hos- 
pital ships — you sank passenger ships — you sank 
life boats. You brained harmless public officials — 
you bayoneted peaceful families — you shot more 
than two hundred old men and women in a single 
day. 

You have devastated farms — you have made 
deserts of happy places — you have committed arson 
— you have killed nurses — you have robbed wound- 
ed of their food — you have murdered school chil- 
dren — you have treated prisoners like swine — you 
have driven mothers and babies from shelter — you 
have conspired to wreck neutral factories — you 
have fomented strikes — you schemed to divide our 
country. You have ordered your death dealing 
hordes to wilfully stamp out peaceful neighbors — 
the stench of your spies is upon every land — you, 
after meditation, have driven the Caucasian race in- 
to the wildest orgy of blood and the maddest "life 
taking" crusade known since the world began. 

These are only parts of our sickening list. One 
need only to look at your great slave markets in 
Belgium, France and Poland to know that you are 
calloused to the manliness and civilization of your 
western enemies. You have linked the evils of the 
thirteenth century with the science of the twentieth. 
Therefore any peace offered by you is an insult to 
humanity. 

81 



t&o* 



OVER HERE 

You who have maimed and murdered — you who 
have stolen and robbed — you who have faked and 
lied — you who have sunk to the foulest depths of 
hell, now stand over the fresh graves of ten million 
men and stretch out your hand covered with undried 
blood and say "Kamerad, I am ready, peace." 

You want peace in the face of the accusing stare 
of double rows of skeletons that you have stretched 
across a continent and back again — no, not yet — 
for to that mighty symphony of these ten million 
dead are inseparably joined the billion living who 
are calling for Justice first, and then for Peace. 

Recklessly and consciencelessly you plod on in 
the delusion that your mad course will win. You, 
faithless to the most sacred of covenants — blind to 
even ordinary standards of honor — deaf to the 
shrieks of drowning babies — numb to the pleadings 
of deported thousands — dead to the commonest of 
instincts called human — you who have professed 
that unnumbered murders and nameless miseries are 
a reasonable price for your satanic Kultur — you who 
have ghoulishly piloted the anti-human machine 
that wilfully filled multiplied thousands of shell 
holes and hell holes of Europe with human scrap 
repudiate the hope of mankind — you who have dar- 
ed to bring back into life the things that man had 
hoped and prayed were dead, now want peace with 
honor. 

Again you are amuck. You will get peace when 
you and the incurable derelicts that personify your 
filthy, black-hearted system of blood-dripping Kul- 
tur are forever dead — when Democracy has steri- 
lized the breeding ground of your Hunnish, sabre- 
scarred, ring-nosed, gang-driven, Christless hordes 
of pro-Kaiserism. 



82 



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